It is difficult to obtain accurate information on the spread of police corruption, as corrupt activities generally take place in secret and there is little incentive for police organizations to publish information on corruption.  Police and researchers have argued that in some countries, large-scale corruption involving police not only exists, but may even be institutionalized.  A study of corruption in the Los Angeles Police Department (with a particular focus on the Rampart scandal) suggested that some forms of police corruption in U.S. policing may be the norm rather than the exception.  In Britain, a 2002 internal investigation of the largest police force, the Metropolitan Police, Operation Tiberius, found that the force was so corrupt that “organised crime was able to infiltrate Scotland Yard `at will` by bribing corrupt officials. and that Britain`s greatest force was experiencing “endemic corruption” at the time.  The Rampart scandal was costly, both financially and humanly. Dozens of criminal convictions attributed to the work of corrupt officers have been overturned. By 2003, the city had already paid $40 million to settle the lawsuits. In an agreement with the federal government in 2000, the Los Angeles City Council accepted an executive order of approval that placed the city`s police department under the supervision of a federal judge for five years to implement and oversee the reforms. According to the 2013 Eurobarometer Special Report on Corruption, the public perception of police corruption among German citizens is low.  German respondents (16%) were among the least likely (within the European Union) to believe that corruption, or the granting and acceptance of bribes and abuse of power for personal gain, is prevalent among police and customs officials. In general, 92% of German respondents do not feel personally affected by corruption in their daily lives, significantly higher than the EU average of 70%.
Although more than half (59%) of respondents believe corruption is widespread in Germany, it is still well below the EU average of 76%. In addition to civil servants, judges and other public officials who hold or have appointed a public administrative function, police officers may be prosecuted for corruption offences under articles 331 to 338 of the Criminal Code.   More specifically, under section 331, a public official who demands, is promised or accepts a benefit for himself or herself or a third party in order to perform his or her duty is punishable. Although these decisions profoundly shaped the legal and social landscape, the second half of the century saw a renewed interest in police misconduct and corruption. As pioneering criminologist Herman Goldstein argued, traditional views were based on the assumption that police abuse reflected the moral flaws of individual officers – the so-called “bad cop.” Public scandals have begun to shape a new view of the problem. In 1971, New York City organized the Knapp-Kommission to hold hearings on the extent of corruption in the city`s police department. Police officer Frank Serpico`s startling testimony against colleagues not only exposed systemic corruption, but also highlighted a long-standing obstacle to investigating these abuses: the fraternal agreement between police officers known as the “Code of Silence” and the “Blue Curtain,” under which officers treat testimony against a colleague as treason. In 1991 the “Service for the Protection of Economic Interests” was established, from which the “Unit for Combating Corruption and Serious Economic Crime of the Criminal Police Service” was established in January 2002. Its mission: to discover the links between corruption and organised crime in cooperation with the “Criminal Police Service and the Czech Police Investigation Unit for the Detection of Organised Crime”.  Similarly, the “Interior Ministry Inspection Department” (IDMI), a police unit that deals with crimes committed by police officers. This unit targets petty daily corruption involving low-level state employees who abuse their power for personal gain.  Police officers earn a fraction of the salary of a military officer.
 While firefighters have 14 districts in the Czech Republic, police have only 8, limiting opportunities to move up the regional ladder.  Police officers also have to undergo much longer training than their higher-paid colleagues in the military and firefighters.  Such injustices provoke resentment in the ranks of the police.  As a result, there are now systems in place to combat petty corruption. Including automated cameras at traffic lights that send infractions directly to a driver to avoid physical interaction with a police officer.  At the same time, the “Anti-Corruption and Financial Crime Unit” (UOKFK) set up by the Ministry of Interior also provides training on internal corruption and integrity of the Czech police.  Police corruption in the Czech Republic is an ongoing problem, but it is actively combated through state and local measures. Police officers have many ways to take personal advantage of their status and authority as law enforcement officers. The Knapp Commission, which investigated corruption in the New York City Police Department in the early 1970s, divided corrupt officers into two types: meat-eaters who “aggressively abuse their police powers for personal gain” and grass-eaters who “simply accept the rewards that police coincidences throw at them.”  Among the most dramatic examples of system-wide reform is New York City`s response to longstanding brutality, discrimination, and corruption within the New York City Police Department (NYPD). After flirting with civilian review of complaints against police in the 1960s, the city got involved after a public outcry over video recordings of officers beating citizens who had violated the curfew in 1988. The City then established its Civilian Complaints Commission, which became a purely civilian body in 1993. In response to new complaints, Mayor David N.
responded to new complaints in 1992. Dinkins appointed the Police Department`s Commission of Inquiry into Police Corruption Allegations and Anti-Corruption Procedures, known as the Mollen Commission. Two years later, the commission concluded that the city had alternated between cycles of corruption and reform. Then, in 1995, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani created the full-time Police Anti-Corruption Commission (CCPC) as an independent entity of the Police Department. The CCPC monitors the NYPD`s anti-corruption policies and procedures, conducts audits, and publishes public reports. Private prosecutions of police officers or police services are difficult. In addition to time and cost, there is a considerable obstacle to the success of legal protection for the police.
Since the late twentieth century, numerous court decisions have expanded the powers of the police to conduct routine checks and searches. As a general rule, complainants must prove that the police engaged in intentional or unlawful behaviour; Evidence of simple or other negligence on the part of the police is often not sufficient in court. Police corruption in the United States is not often reported in the media, but cases of police brutality and corruption have been reported, such as US police accused of murder.  Although not explicitly related to police corruption, one study identified 6,724 cases in which 5,545 sworn officers from across the country were arrested for various crimes between 2005 and 2011.  That is, on average, police officers are arrested approximately 1,000 times a year.